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The time has come for the BNP to ask itself whether it wishes to be a political party for all Bangladeshis or whether it wishes to turn itself into the Bangladeshi equivalent of the BJP.
Similarly, the BNP was originally formed as a confederation of politicians of every stripe and shade, the only unifying factor being opposition to the AL, the party of Bangladeshi independence.
But, while the BNP has always been more closely identified with the forces of religious conservatism than the AL, unlike the BJP for whom Hindutva is an organising principle and dominant ideology, the BNP has never made religious extremism an essential component of its political success.
When a handful of BNP councillors were elected in Burnley in 2003, they failed to turn up to the first budget debate, one of the most crucial moments in the local government year.
The truth is that support for the BNP is not really a protest vote against a racially mixed society: it is a cry of rage about the quality of life in some of the poorest areas in the country.
The BNP is exploiting a growing sense of frustration with genuine problems: the lack of affordable housing, the increase in low-level crime, the failure of inner-city schools, the loss of a sense of identity among white working-class men following the collapse of traditional industries.
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