Efraín Ríos Montt on the campaign trail in 2003

José Efraín Ríos Montt (born June 16, 1926 in Huehuetenango, Guatemala) is a former President of Guatemala and former president of the Congress of Guatemala. In 2003, as the candidate of the ruling right-wing Guatemalan Republican Front (FRG), he made a failed attempt to be elected president.

Ríos Montt is best known for heading a military regime (1982–1983) and presiding over some of the worst atrocities of Guatemala's 36-year civil war, which ended with a peace treaty in 1996. The civil war pitted Marxist rebel groups against the Army, but with huge numbers of Mayan campesinos caught in the crossfire. Some 200,000 Guatemalans were killed during the conflict, making it Latin America's most violent war in modern history.

Human-rights groups say Ríos Montt, a staunch anticommunist who has had ties to the United States for over five decades (via the Pentagon's School of the Americas, the CIA, presidential administrations, and the religious right), was among the bloodiest strongmen in Latin American history.

Ríos Montt, popularly known as "the general," remains one of the most controversial figures in Guatemalan history. Regarded by many as a genocidal neo-fascist, the former military ruler is seen by his supporters, mostly the ladino minority, as a strong leader capable of restoring order to this turbulent nation. The Mayan Indian population suffered greatly under his rule. It is not unlikely that his government deliberately targeted Mayans under the pretext of pursuing guerrillas, a modern expression of deep-seated racism against the native population. Guatemala's highest court, which recently had several judges appointed from Ríos Montt's political party, approved his candidacy for president, ostensibly ignoring a constitutional ban against former dictators running for president. Nonetheless, despite widespread intimidation, violence and fraud during the campaign, including the deaths of 30 political opponents, Ríos Montt lost the 2004 presidential election.

Background

The general's ties with the United States military go back fifty years when he received training by the Pentagon. In 1950 Ríos Montt graduated as a cadet at the School of the Americas in Panama, which at the time educated students in jungle warfare tactics for the purposes of combatting perceived communist influence in the region.

In 1954, the young officer played a minor role in the successful CIA-organized coup against Guatemalan President Jacobo Arbenz Guzmán, who was widely regarded as a communist in Washington. Arbenz had legalized the Communist Guatemalan Labor Party and was nationalizing lands owned by the United Fruit Company in which U.S. Secretary of State John Foster Dulles was personally invested. [1] (http://www.cooperativeresearch.org/entity.jsp?entity=allen_welsh_dulles)

Following the coup, Ríos Montt's rise in the ruling military junta was steady and almost unimpeded. In 1970, under President Carlos Manuel Arana Osorio, he became a general and chief of staff for the Guatemalan army, which suppressed peasant uprisings and served as armed guards for landowning oligarchs. His career suffered a minor setback in 1974, though, when his apparent victory in the presidential election was invalidated and the presidency went to Kjell Eugenio Laugerud García.

In 1974, he was nominated as the Christian Democrat candidate and perhaps won the presidential vote, but his election was never recognized. Ríos Montt apparently blamed his defeat on Guatemala's Catholic priests, who had questioned the mistreatment of the Catholic Mayas, and claimed that the priests were leftist agents. In 1978, he left the Catholic Church and became a minister in the California-based evangelical Church of the Word; since then Jerry Falwell and Pat Robertson have been personal friends. Now a born-again Christian, he is a Protestant in a predominantly Roman Catholic country.

Military regime

Frijoles y fusiles

In March 1982, Ríos Montt seized power in a coup d'état that was quietly backed by the CIA and the Reagan administration. Presidential elections had been held earlier in Guatemala on March 7, 1982, by Gen. Ángel Aníbal Guevara, the candidate chosen by the outgoing regime. On March 23, the coup dissolved the junta and declared Gen. Efraín Ríos Montt the sole leader and head of the armed forces on June 9.

He and his fellow generals, Maldonando Schadd and Luis Gordillo, deposed Gen. Romeo Lucas García and set up a military tribunal with Montt at its head. The junta immediately suspended the constitution, shut the legislature down, set up secret tribunals, and began a campaign against political dissidents that included kidnapping, torture, and extra-judicial assassinations.

Initial hopes that the human rights and security situation might improve under the new president were short-lived. Violence escalated in the countryside, and only a temporary calm was experienced in urban areas. The June amnesty for political prisoners was replaced by a state of siege that limited the activities of political parties and labor unions under the threat of death by firing squad. A campaign known as frijoles y fusiles (beans and guns), initiated by the president in an attempt to win over the large indigenous population to the rule of the arm, unleashing a scorched earth attack on the nation's Mayan population that, according to an investigative United Nations commission, resulted in the annihilation of nearly 600 villages. The administration established special military courts that had the power to impose death penalties against suspected uprising peasants. The number of killings in the countryside escalated, and the frijoles y fusiles campaign resulted in widespread fear. Thousands of Guatemalan Maya fled over the border into southern Mexico.

In 1982 an Amnesty International report estimated that over 2600 indigenous Guatemalans and peasant farmers were killed in the scorched earth campaign in the March-July period. According to more recent estimates, within eighteen months, tens of thousands were killed by regime death squads.

U.S. backing

Given Montt's staunch anticommunism and ties to the United States, the Reagan administration continued to support the general and his regime, paying a visit to Guatemala City in December 1982. [2] (http://news.bbc.co.uk/1/hi/world/americas/3788229.stm) During a meeting with Ríos Montt on December 4, Reagan declared: "President Rios Montt is a man of great personal integrity and commitment. ... I know he wants to improve the quality of life for all Guatemalans and to promote social justice."¹

Reagan later agreed in January 1983 to sell Guatemala millions of dollars worth of helicopter spare parts, a decision that did not require approval from Congress. In turn, Guatemala was eager to resurrect the Central American Defense Council, defunct since 1969, in order to join forces with the right-wing governments of El Salvador and Honduras in retaliations against the leftist Sandinista government of Nicaragua.

Guatemalan campaigners on behalf of Maya survivors of Guatemala's civil war, such as Nobel laureate and Mayan human rights advocate Rigoberta Menchú, were stunned in March 1999 when U.S. President Bill Clinton apologized for the United States support of Ríos Montt's regime. Clinton declared: "For the United States, it is important I state clearly that support for military forces and intelligence units which engaged in violence and widespread repression was wrong and the United States must not repeat that mistake." [3] (http://www.washingtonpost.com/wp-srv/inatl/daily/march99/clinton11.htm)

Removal from office

By the end of 1982, Ríos Montt was claiming that the war against the leftist guerrillas had been won and said that the government's work could be one of "techo, trabajo, y tortillas" ("roofs, work, and tortillas"). However, three coups had been attempted since he came to power.

On August 8, 1983 Gen. Oscar Humberto Mejía Victores overthrew the regime and declared himself chief of state in the second military coup in Guatemala within 18 months. The unpopularity of General Ríos Montt was widespread, and he was disliked by many Roman Catholics for his evangelical Protestantism and for his refusal to grant clemency to six guerrillas during the visit of Pope John Paul II. The military was offended by his promotion of young officers in defiance of the Army's traditional hierarchy. Much of the middle class was alienated by his decision on August 1 to introduce the value-added tax, never before levied in Guatemala.

The new administration under Mejía Victores, whose political stance was considered to be to the right of his predecessor, did not bode well for stability.

The killings continued even after Ríos Montt was eased from office in 1983. Some human rights groups charge that perhaps as many as one million Mayan peasants were uprooted from their homes. There were charges that many were forced to live in re-education camps enclosed with barbed wire and armed guards and forced to work in the fields of Guatemalan land barons. All in all, by the end of the civil war in 1996, more than 200,000 people had died in Guatemala's civil war, perhaps with more than 90 percent of the dead killed by government forces. Of those, the vast majority were Mayans. Montt's supporters claim that his repressive tactics were necessary to restore order to the turbulent country and defeat leftist guerrilla groups.

Comeback

Until January 2004, Ríos Montt served as president of the Congress of Guatemala, the country's legislature, and he has run for president two other times since the toppling of his regime. He tried to run for president in 1990 and in 1995, but both times was prohibited by the constitutional court due to a constitutional provision banning people who had participated in military coups from becoming president. In 1999, he was elected head of the unicameral legislature and helped his friend Alfonso Portillo win the presidency. The Republican Front nominated Montt in May 2003, but his candidacy was rejected by the electoral registry and by two lower courts once again. But this time most analysts had speculated that his bid would be successful since the nation's highest court, the Constitutional Court, is currently filled with the ex-general's and sitting President Portillo's allies. The Constitutional Court did in fact overturn the lower court decisions and pave the way for Montt to run again.

The legal reasoning behind the 4-3 decision by the Constitutional Court was not immediately made public. However, Ríos Montt had argued that the ban on coup leaders, formalized in the 1985 Constitution, could not be applied retroactively to acts before that date. Many Guatemalans expressed anger over the Court's decision.

Attempts to indict Montt on charges of genocide have failed. Rigoberta Menchú sought to have Ríos Montt tried in Spanish courts in 1999 for crimes committed against Spanish citizens. So far, these attempts have been unsuccessful.

In the post-Cold War environment, American support for Ríos Montt has subsided. In June the State Department publicly announced that it would prefer to deal with a less tarnished figure, but maintained that bilateral relations would remain strong under Ríos Montt's rule.

At the end of July, followers of Ríos Montt, stirred into action by his right-wing FRG party, charged into the streets of Guatemala City armed with machetes, clubs and guns. Led by FRG militants, the crowds, including many members of the Guatemalan army, marched on the nation's courts, opposition parties and newspapers, torching buildings, shooting out windows and bullying the opposition.

The riots were organized after the Guatemalan Supreme Court suspended his campaign for the presidency and agreed to hear a complaint brought by two right-of-center parties that the general is constitutionally barred from running for president of the country.

Ríos Montt denounced the ruling as judicial manipulation and, in a radio address, encouraged his followers to take to the streets to protest the decision. Within an hour of his speech, thousands of the general's backers had flooded Guatemala City, blocking traffic, chanting threatening slogans and waving machetes. Hooded men ransacked buildings, fired machine guns, smashed windows, and set fire to cars and tires. The situation became so chaotic over the weekend of July 26 that both the UN mission and the U.S. embassy were closed.

However, during tense but peaceful presidential elections held on November 9, Ríos Montt received just 11 percent of the votes, putting him a distant third behind businessman Óscar Berger, head of the conservative National Grand Alliance, and Álvaro Colom of the National Unity of Hope. His daughter Zury Ríos Sosa married U.S. Representative Jerry Weller (a Republican of Illinois) on November 20, 2004, and Ríos Montt was present for the ceremony, despite being under house arrest, after obtaining the permission of a judge.

See also

• History of Guatemala
• Politics of Guatemala

Further reading

• Anfuso, Joseph. Sczepanski David. (fwd. by Pat Robertson). Efrain Rios Montt, Servant or Dictator? : The Real Story of Guatemala's Controversial Born-again President (Vision House, Ventura, CA, 1984) ISBN 0884491102
  
• Carmack, Robert M. (ed.). Harvest of Violence: The Maya Indians and the Guatemalan Crisis (University of Oklahoma Press, 1988) ISBN 0806121327
  
• Cullather, Nick. (fwd. by Piero Gleijeses). Secret History: The CIA's Classified Account of its Operations in Guatemala, 1952-1954 (Stanford University Press, 1999). ISBN 0804733104
  
• Dosal, Paul J. Return of Guatemala's Refugees: Reweaving the Torn (Temple University Press, 1998) ISBN 1566396212
  
• Falla, Ricardo (trans. by Julia Howland). Massacres in the Jungle: Ixcán, Guatemala, 1975-1982 (Westview Press, Boulder, 1994) ISBN 0813386683
  
• Fried, Jonathan L., et al. Guatemala in Rebellion : Unfinished History (Grove Press, NY, 1983). ISBN 0394532406
  
• Gleijeses, Piero. Shattered Hope: The Guatemalan Revolution and the United States, 1944-1954 (Princeton University Press, 1991) ISBN 0691078173
  
• Goldston, James A. Shattered Hope: Guatemalan Workers and the Promise of Democracy (Westview Press, Boulder, 1989). ISBN 0813377676
  
• LaFeber, Walter. Inevitable Revolutions: The United States in Central America. (W.W. Norton & Company, NY, 1993). ISBN 0393017877
  
• Perera, Victor. Unfinished Conquest: The Guatemalan Tragedy (University of California Press, 1993). ISBN 0520079655
  
• Sanford, Victoria . Buried Secrets: Truth and Human Rights in Guatemala (Palgrave Macmillan, NY, 2003) ISBN 1403960232
  
• Schlesinger, Stephen. Bitter Fruit : The Untold story of the American Coup in Guatemala (Doubleday, Garden City, NY, 1982). ISBN 0385148615
  
• Shillington, John Wesley. Grappling with Atrocity: Guatemalan Theater in the 1990s (Associated University Presses, London, 2002). ISBN 0838639305
  
• Stoll, David. Between Two Armies in the Ixil Towns of Guatemala (Columbia University Press, NY, 1993). ISBN 0231081820
  
• Streeter, S.M. Managing the Counterrevolution: The United States and Guatemala, 1954-1961 (Ohio Univ. Cent. Int. Stud., 2000) ISBN 0896802159
  

Notes

1. See Schirmer, Jennifer (1998) The Guatemalan Military Project: A Violence Called Democracy. Philadelphia: University of Pennsylvania Press. p. 33.