Map showing Khuzestan in Iran

This article focuses on the ethnic politics of Khuzestan, an oil-rich province in southwestern Iran Image File history File links province of Iran File history Legend: (cur) = this is the current file, (del) = delete this old version, (rev) = revert to this old version. ... Map showing Khuzestan in Iran Domes like this are quite common in Khuzestan province. ...

Ethnic groups in Iran

Image File history File linksMetadata Download high resolution version (980x970, 307 KB) (portion of Iran Country Profile) Source: Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection at The University of Texas at Austin [1] License: Above a list of maps available for download, the web site has the text: The following maps... Image File history File linksMetadata Download high resolution version (980x970, 307 KB) (portion of Iran Country Profile) Source: Perry-Castañeda Library Map Collection at The University of Texas at Austin [1] License: Above a list of maps available for download, the web site has the text: The following maps...

Historical background

Ethnic politics in Khuzestan revolves primarily around the issue of local control of resources. Unlike most other Iranian provinces, Khuzestan is ethnically diverse, home to a number of distinct peoples and tribal groups. It must be remembered however that "ethnic nationalism is largely a nineteenth century phenomenon, even if it is fashionable to retroactively extend it."^[1]

Arabs

Local Arab rule in Khuzestan began during the middle of the 15th century under the Msha'sha'iya, a Shi'a sect founded and first led by Muhammad ibn Falah (1400-1461), an Iraqi theologian who believed himself to be the earthly representative of Imam Ali and the Mahdi. Falah and his followers captured the city of Hoveizeh in 1441, which became his primary base of ideological dissemination. His spiritual teachings were later set down in the text, Kalam al-Mahdi. The Arab population in western Khuzestan thereafter began increasing significantly, and the region thus came to be referred to as Arabistan. By the time of Mozaffareddin Shah, the name Arabistan had come to completely refer to all of Khuzestan (also see Origin of the name Khuzestan#Arabistan), as ibn Falah and his son, Ali ibn Muhammad Msha'sha'iya, increased their influence over the area, including Lorestan, Kohgiluyeh, Kermanshah, Bahrain and southern Iraq. The Arabs of Khuzestan are one of the ethnic groups of Iran inhabiting the province of Khuzestan. ... (14th century - 15th century - 16th century - other centuries) As a means of recording the passage of time, the 15th century was that century which lasted from 1401 to 1500. ... The Msha’sha’iya were an extremist Shia sect founded and led by Muhammad ibn Falah. ... Shia Islam ( Arabic شيعى follower; English has traditionally used Shiite or Shiite) is the second largest Islamic denomination; some 20-25% of all Muslims are said to follow a Shia tradition. ... A sect is generally a small religious or political group that has branched off from a larger established group. ... Muhammad ibn Falah (b. ... Events Henry IV quells baron rebellion and executes The Earls of Kent, Huntingdon and Salisbury for their attempt to have Richard II of England restored as King Jean Froissart writes the Chronicles Medici family becomes powerful in Florence, Italy Births December 25 - John Sutton, 1st Baron Dudley, Lord Lieutenant of... Events February 2 - Battle of Mortimers Cross - Yorkist troops led by Edward, Duke of York defeat Lancastrians under Owen Tudor and his son Jasper Tudor, Earl of Pembroke in Wales. ... Theology is literally rational discourse concerning God (Greek θεος, theos, God, + λογος, logos, rational discourse). By extension, it also refers to the study of other religious topics. ... Ali ibn Abi Talib (علي بن أبي طالب) (c. ... This article or section does not cite its references or sources. ... Hoveizeh (alternative name: Huzgan) is a city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran near the border with Iraq. ... This page is about the year 1441. ... Kalam (علم الكلم)is one of the religious sciences of Islam. ... The Arabs (Arabic: عرب ) are an ethnic group found throughout the Middle East and North Africa. ... Mozzafar-al-Din Shah (1853 - 1907) was the Shah of Persia between 1896 and 1907. ... Another map from the same author, Khuzestan is overlined in red. ... Falak-ol-aflak, built by the Sassanids, is almost 1800 years old. ... Kermanshah at night Kermanshah (Persian: کرمانشاه, Gorani Kurdish: کرماشان) is the capital of Kermanshah Province of Iran. ...

Beginning in the 16th century, the Bani Kaab, an Arab tribe originating from what is now Kuwait, came to settle in western Khuzestan. By the mid-18th century, they dominated much of the area. After Nader Shah's death in 1747, they refused to pay taxes to the Persian and Ottoman empires alike, blockading the Arvand/Shatt al-Arab and attacking Basra; Karim Khan Zand, the Ottoman army, and the British East India Company all responded by attacking them in the 1760s. However, following the death of their strongest leader, Sheikh Salman, the tribe declined. (15th century - 16th century - 17th century - more centuries) As a means of recording the passage of time, the 16th century was that century which lasted from 1501 to 1600. ... The Bani Kaab are an Arab tribal group of Kuwaiti origin which settled in western Khuzestan, a province in southwestern Iran, during the 16th century CE. Categories: Ethnic group stubs | Arab groups ... Nadir Shah (Nadir Qoli Beg, also Tahmasp-Qoli Khan) (October 22, 1688 - June, 1747) ruled as Shah of Persia 1736-1747 and was the founder of the Afsharid dynasty. ... // Events January 31 - The first venereal diseases clinic opens at London Dock Hospital April 9 - The Scottish Jacobite Lord Lovat was beheaded by axe on Tower Hill, London, for high treason; he was the last man to be executed in this way in Britain May 14 - First battle of Cape... The Persian Empire was a series of historical empires that ruled over the Iranian plateau (Irān - Land of the Aryans) and beyond. ... Imperial motto (Ottoman Turkish) دولت ابد مدت Devlet-i Ebed-müddet (The Eternal State) The Ottoman Empire at the height of its power (1683) Official language Ottoman Turkish Capital Söğüt (1299-1326), Bursa (1326-1365), Edirne (1365-1453), Constantinople (modern-day Istanbul) (1453-1922) Imperial anthem Ottoman imperial anthem Sovereigns Padishah... The Shatt al-Arab (Arabic: شط العرب) or Arvand (called اروندرود: arvandrūd in Persian), also called the Shatt-al-Arab waterway, is a river in Southwest Asia of some 200 km in length, formed by the... Location of Basra Basra (Arabic: ‎ ; BGN: Al BaÅŸrah) is the second largest city of Iraq with an estimated population of c. ... Karim Khan Zand (Persian: کریم خان زند) was a king of Persia who reigned from 1760 until 1779. ... The British East India Company, sometimes referred to as John Company, was a joint-stock company which was granted an English Royal Charter by Elizabeth I on December 31, 1600, with the intention of favouring trade privileges in India. ...

In 1837, the city of Mohammarah, the center of a local sheikhdom, was taken and in 1847 the Second Treaty of Erzurum between the Ottomans and Iran, confirmed it and all territory on the east bank of the Arvand/Shatt al-Arab as Iranian. Sheikh Jabir al-Kaabi, the Sheikh of Mohammerah, effectively became a provincial ruler under the command of Nassereddin Shah Qajar, the Shah of Persia. Under orders from the Shah, Sheikh Jabir fought the British to maintain Iranian sovereignty over the region. Upon Sheikh Jabir's death, his son, Sheikh Maz'al, succeeded him as tribal leader and Sheikh of Mohammerah. He strengthened and expanded commercial and political ties with Tehran. In 1897, Maz'al was murdered (some accounts state he was assassinated) by his brother, Sheikh Khaz'al Khan, who then not only assumed the position of Kaabide tribal leadership, but also proclaimed himself the ruler of the entire province. This was soon accepted by the Qajar court of Tehran, and his position as Sheikh was made official. | Queen Victoria, Queen of the United Kingdom (1837 - 1901) 1837 was a common year starting on Sunday (see link for calendar). ... Khorramshahr (Persian: خرمشهر) is a port city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran (Persia). ... Etymologically an emirate or amirate (Arabic: إمارة Imarah, plural: إمارات Imarat) is the quality, dignity, office or territorial competence of any Emir (prince, governor etc. ... 1847 was a common year starting on Friday (see link for calendar). ... The Shatt al-Arab (Arabic: شط العرب) or Arvand (called اروندرود: arvandrūd in Persian), also called the Shatt-al-Arab waterway, is a river in Southwest Asia of some 200 km in length, formed by the... Sheikh Jabir al-Kaabi (?-1897?) was the leader of the Bani Kaab Arab tribe during the 19th century. ... Nasser-al-Din Shah Qajar (sometimes called Nassereddin) (died 1896) was the Shah of Persia from 1848 to 1896. ... One of the worlds longest-lasting monarchies, the Iranian monarchy went through many transformations over the centuries, from the days of Persia to the creation of what is now modern day Iran. ... Sheikh Mazal (?-1897) was the son of Sheikh Jabir al-Kaabi and took over as tribal leader of the Bani Kaab upon his fathers death. ... 1897 (MDCCCXCVII) was a common year starting on Friday (see link for calendar). ... Sheikh Khazal Khan, of royal Kuwaiti lineage, was the self-appointed ruler of a virtually autonomous Arab region (which came to be known as the emirate of Arabistan or Al-Ahwaz under his reign) which he established in the Khuzestan province of Iran from 1897-1925. ...

The rest of the province (the eastern and northern regions) remained dominated by Bakhtiari Khans, Lur tribal leaders, and Persian groups. Several of the Bakhtiari Khans, in particular, had entered into alliances with Khaz'al. The Bakhtiari (or Bakhtiyari) are a group of southwestern Iranian people. ... Khan (sometimes spelled as xan, han) is a title meaning ruler in Mongolian and Turkish. ... Lurs can refer to: Ancient wind instruments, see Lur An Iranian ethnic group; see: Lorestan Lurs, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, a commune of Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, France This is a disambiguation page — a navigational aid which lists other pages that might otherwise share the same title. ...

The Pahlavi era

When British cartographers, diplomats, and telegraph workers, traveled along Iran's southern coast in the early 19th century laden with guns and accompanied by powerful ships, some local chieftains quickly calculated that their sworn allegiance to the Shah in Tehran with its accompanying tax burden might be optional. When queried, they proclaimed their own local authority.^[2] Tehran (IPA: ; Persian: تهران, also transliterated as Teheran or Tehrān), population 7,160,094 (metropolitan: 14,000,000[citation needed]), and a land area of 658 square kilometers, is the capital city of Iran (Persia) and the center of Tehran Province. ...

By 1925 however, having dissolved the Qajar dynasty and establishing himself as the new Shah of Iran, Reza Shah had the Arab chieftain Sheikh Khaz'al arrested, who had by this time lost the support and protection of the British colonialists. Khaz'al was sent to Tehran and spent the rest of his life there under house arrest until his death in 1936. It is said that he did not die of natural causes, but was murdered by a low-level guard on the orders of Reza Shah. The areas which had comprised his emirate were returned to the province, and the name of Mohammerah was changed to Khorramshahr, while Naseriyeh reverted to Ahvaz. 1925 (MCMXXV) was a common year starting on Thursday (link will take you to calendar). ... The Qajar dynasty was the ruling family of Persia from 1796 to 1925. ... One of the worlds longest-lasting monarchies, the Iranian monarchy went through many transformations over the centuries, from the days of Persia to the creation of what is now modern day Iran. ... Reza Shah the Great, also Reza Pahlavi (Persian: رضا پهلوی) (March 16, 1878 – July 26, 1944), styled His Imperial Majesty, was Shah of Persia from December 15, 1925 until 1935, at which time he requested that other countries address his nation by its native name, Iran, and Shah of Iran from 1935... Sheikh Khazal Khan, of royal Kuwaiti lineage, was the self-appointed ruler of a virtually autonomous Arab region (which came to be known as the emirate of Arabistan or Al-Ahwaz under his reign) which he established in the Khuzestan province of Iran from 1897-1925. ... Tehran (IPA: ; Persian: تهران, also transliterated as Teheran or Tehrān), population 7,160,094 (metropolitan: 14,000,000[citation needed]), and a land area of 658 square kilometers, is the capital city of Iran (Persia) and the center of Tehran Province. ... 1936 (MCMXXXVI) was a leap year starting on Wednesday (link will take you to calendar). ...

Reza Shah then embarked upon an overall campaign to forcibly settle all the nomads of Iran among others the Arab, Bakhtiari, and Luri nomadic tribes of southwestern Iran. This created great resentment amongst tribal leaders who viewed such actions as an attempt to suppress and destroy their cultures and way of life. Reza Shah countered their arguments by claiming that some of these nomadic tribes were dangerous and had engaged in criminal activities such as highway robbery and banditry. The Lurs, in particular, were considered to be one of the fiercest Iranian tribes. Similar claims were used to justify actions taken against the Baluch tribes of eastern Iran. These initial attempts by the central government to settle the nomadic peoples were ultimately unsuccessful, as when the era of Reza Shah ended, many of the tribes returned to their nomadic ways. Under the reign of the last Shah of Iran, Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, attempts were again made to settle these tribes using less forceful methods and which met with greater success. Lurs can refer to: Ancient wind instruments, see Lur An Iranian ethnic group; see: Lorestan Lurs, Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, a commune of Alpes-de-Haute-Provence, France This is a disambiguation page — a navigational aid which lists other pages that might otherwise share the same title. ... The Baluch (alternative spelling Baloch) are an ethnic group of Iranian origin. ... Mohammad Reza Pahlavi, Shah of Iran (Persian: محمد رضا پهلوی , ،شاه ایران) (October 26, 1919, Tehran – July 27, 1980, Cairo), styled His Imperial Majesty, and holding the monarchial titles of Shāhanshāh (King of Kings) and Aryamehr (Light of the Aryans), was the ruler of Iran from September 16, 1941 until the Iranian Revolution...

In addition to the nomadic issue, Reza Shah had also promoted an aggressive campaign to bring the whole of Iran into the modern age, and to accomplish this it was felt that the entire nation would have to be brought under a single cultural and linguistic banner. Persian language and modern dialect were stressed over minority languages such as Azeri, Baluchi, Khuzestani Arabic and Kurdish, and over distinct Persian dialects such as Bakhtiari, Behbahani, Dezfuli, Luri, and Shushtari. The Arabs of southern Iran were, in particular, singled out by the Pahlavi governments for increased scrutiny in these efforts, which they widely considered as constituting evidence of state-sponsored racism and cultural suppression. As with other Iranian ethnic groups, the Arabs of Iran wished to retain not only their Iranian identity, but also the identity of their own distinct languages, cultures and heritage, though in recent decades increased migration to the urban centres and assimilation into Persian culture has tended to reduce these sentiments. Persian, (local name: FārsÄ« or PārsÄ«), is an Indo-European language spoken in Iran, Afghanistan, Tajikistan and by minorities in Uzbekistan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan, Armenia, Georgia, Southern Russia, neighboring countries, and elsewhere. ... The Azerbaijani language, also called Azeri, Azari, Azeri Turkish, or Azerbaijani Turkish, is the official language of Republic of Azerbaijan and the second language of the Islamic Republic of Iran. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ... Khuzestani Arabic is a dialect of Arabic spoken in the Iranian province of Khuzestan. ... Sorani is a group of Central Kurdish dialects and as such is part of the Iranian languages. ... The Bakhtiari (or Bakhtiyari) are a group of southwestern Iranian people. ... Behbahan is a city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran. ... Dezful (Dezh-pol, Dez Bridge) is a city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran. ... Luri is a dialect of Persian language. ... Shûshtar is an ancient fortress city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran. ... The Pahlavi script was used broadly in the Sasanid Persian Empire to write down Middle Persian for secular, as well as religious purposes. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article may require cleanup. ...

Iran-Iraq War

In 1980, Saddam Hussein, the Iraqi dictator, tried to take advantage of the revolution in Iran. Gambling that the new government would be too weak to resist him, and that the Arabic-speaking minority of Khuzestan would support Iraq, his armies invaded Khuzestan, initiating the Iran-Iraq war. He was proved wrong when the Iranians successfully defended the province, and the Arab minority remained firmly with Iran. Around 16,000 Khuzestanis died fighting in the war, 12,000 of them Arabs. The brutal eight-year-long war devastated Khuzestan, most especially the important port city of Khorramshahr, and the province is still recovering. Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majidida al-Tikriti (Arabic: ‎ [1]; born April 28, 1937[2]), was the President and dictator of Iraq from July 16, 1979 until April 9, 2003, when he was deposed during the United States-led 2003 invasion of Iraq. ... Protestors take to the street in support of Ayatollah Khomeini. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article may require cleanup. ... Khorramshahr (Persian: خرمشهر) is a port city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran (Persia). ...

Demographics

The neutrality and factual accuracy of this section are disputed. Please see the relevant discussion on the talk page.

The Khuzestani population is predominantly divided between Arabic and Persian speaking groups. How much of the population is ethnically Arab and Arabic-speaking no one knows for certain, and definitions and estimates are often disputed, as the Iranian central government does not release any ethnic-related census figures. According to the 2004 CIA World Factbook, Iranian Arabs comprise 3% of the overall population, while Arabic-speakers comprise 1%. Image File history File links Circle-question-red. ... Image File history File links Unbalanced_scales. ... 2004 (MMIV) was a leap year starting on Thursday of the Gregorian calendar. ... World Factbook 2004 cover The World Factbook is an annual publication by the Central Intelligence Agency of the United States with basic almanac-style information about the various countries of the world. ...

The Minorities At Risk (MAR) project states that there are approximately 690,000 Bakhtiaris in Iran, most of them centered in the provinces of Khuzestan and Isfahan. The Minorities at Risk Data Generation and Management Program (MAR) is a University of Maryland, College Park based research project that monitors and analyzes the status and conflicts of politically-active minority ethnicities and religious sects in all countries with a current population of at least 500,000. ... The Bakhtiari (or Bakhtiyari) are a group of southwestern Iranian people. ... Map showing Khuzestan in Iran Domes like this are quite common in Khuzestan province. ... // Isfahan province has enjoyed the benefit of being capital of Persia for 200 years during the 17th and 18th centuries. ...

According to Human Rights Watch, Human Rights Watch Banner Human Rights Watch is a United States-based international non-governmental organization that conducts research and advocacy on human rights. ...

Precise figures on the ethnic composition of Iran's population are impossible to obtain. The last census in which such data was compiled was carried out in 1956. [1]

Amir Taheri reports that less than 40% of the province's population are ethnic Arab. [2] To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ...

Iranian Arab journalist and writer Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof, in a lecture at the Industrial University of Isfahan in 1999, claims that Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof (b. ...

the population of Arabs in southwestern Iran is 4,548,240. And the ratio to Iran's total population is: 4,548,240/65,000,000 = 6.997%. [3]

The Arab population of Khuzestan is concentrated in the west and south of the province, with Arabs as the largest ethnic group in Abadan, Ahwaz, Khorramshahr, Omidiyeh, Bandar-e-Mahshahr, Dasht-e-Azadagan, Shadegan and Shush.[4] These concentrations are in areas where fishing, settled agriculture, date orchards and trade have traditionally provided a living. Other districts in the province also have significant Arab populations, although the proportion of Arabs to non-Arabs diminishes towards the north and east of the province, where the once nomadic Bakhtiari and Lur tribes are more populous. The Bakhtiari (or Bakhtiyari) are a group of southwestern Iranian people. ... See Lurs for other uses Lur is a name given to two distinct types of wind musical instrument. ...

Since the discovery of oil in 1909, the structure of the economy has shifted to oil-related industries, attracting other ethnic groups from outside the province as well as foreigners. The Iran-Iraq War also had an impact on the province's ethnic composition, with thousands of Arabs leaving the country as refugees and non-Arab indigenous groups fleeing the fighting for sanctuary in other parts of Iran. Khorramshahr, where the fighting was at its fiercest after the Iraqi invasion, was emptied and the city was almost completely destroyed by invading forces. Since the end of the war, many former Khuzestan residents and their families have return to the province, although many of the province's Arabs have settled in Iraq, Kuwait and the UAE. The province has also seen a number of controversial government migration programmes, including land confiscations, which local ethnic groups claim have disadvantaged them and forced them to relocate to other parts of the province or other Iranian provinces.

New townships have been constructed, but many new homes are being populated by people from non-Khuzestani ethnic groups, particularly Persians and Azeris, who are employed by local industries.

Iranian constitution and minorities

There are three articles in the constitution of Iran pertaining to ethnicities of Iran, their languages, and resources. These are:

Article 15:

"The Official Language and script of Iran, the lingua franca of its people, is Persian. Official documents, correspondence, and texts, as well as text-books, must be in this language and script. However, the use of regional and tribal languages in the press and mass media, as well as for teaching of their literature in schools, is allowed in addition to Persian."

Article 19:

"All people of Iran, whatever the ethnic group or tribe to which they belong, enjoy equal rights; color, race, language, and the like, do not bestow any privilege."

Article 48:

"There must be no discrimination among the various provinces with regard to the exploitation of natural resources, utilization of public revenues, and distribution of economic activities among the various provinces and regions of the country, thereby ensuring that every region has access to the necessary capital and facilities in accordance with its needs and capacity for growth."

However, human rights groups have accused the Iranian government of violating constitutional guarantees of equality. In a report entitled Iran: New government fails to address dire human rights situation, published in February 2006, Amnesty International says:

Despite constitutional guarantees of equality, individuals belonging to minorities in Iran, who are believed to number about half of the population of about 70 millions, are subject to an array of discriminatory laws and practices. These include land and property confiscations, denial of state and para-statal employment under the gozinesh criteria and restrictions on social, cultural, linguistic and religious freedoms which often result in other human rights violations such as the imprisonment of prisoners of conscience, grossly unfair trials of political prisoners before Revolutionary Courts, corporal punishment and use of the death penalty, as well as restrictions on movement and denial of other civil rights.[5]

Ethnic grievances

It is claimed by some sources that oil revenues from the province are spent in other areas of Iran favoured by the Islamic Republic, while they and other Khuzestanis struggle to repair extensive war damage with little revenue or support from the central government. While poverty is rampant amongst all native Khuzestani groups, it is most especially evident amongst the Arabs. An Islamic republic in its modern context has come to mean several things. ...

Alleged racism

Iranian Arabs displayed their indisputable allegiance to Iran during the Iran-Iraq war. Here a mother mourns the loss of her son, over his grave draped in the Iranian flag at a war cemetery in Hoveizeh.

Some Arabs feel that they are suspected, unfairly, of complicity in Saddam Hussein's invasion, and stigmatized as outsiders and interlopers. Image File history File links Shohada_hoveizeh. ... Image File history File links Shohada_hoveizeh. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article may require cleanup. ... Flag ratio: 4:7 The current flag of Iran was adopted on July 29, 1980, and is a reflection of the changes brought to Iran by the Islamic Revolution. ... Hoveizeh (alternative name: Huzgan) is a city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran near the border with Iraq. ...

One traveler cites several conversations with an ethnic Persian who was showing him the sights of Khuzestan:

The local Arabs sit on the ground behind their wares, the women clad in black with their faces tattooed, the men in their long robes and eghals on their heads. Mina whispers with distaste: "These Arabs were excited at the thought of an Iraqi invasion." [6]

Mina tells me that during the black-outs, when the population were implored not to let any light escape into the night, the Arabs would be flashing torches out of their windows. "To try and guide the Iraqi planes," she goes on. "I don’t know if Saddam had promised them something, but they were very keen to let him in." [7]

While this may be evidence that some ethnic Persians distrust Arabs, no account of the Iraq-Iran war, academic or otherwise, mentions any Arab minority support for the invasion. Khuzestani Arabs, as well as the Azeris and Lurs, were among the bravest and most courageous soldiers during the war against Iraq, particularly during the battle of the Liberation of Khorramshahr, and the sacrifices they made in sacred defense (shahaadat) of the homeland are well documented. If there is prejudice, it is unfounded. If anything can be said for certain, it is the fact that Ali Shamkhani, an Iranian Arab from Ahvaz, held Iran's sensitive top military post of Minister of Defense for 8 years from 1997 to 2005. So are Iran's current Minister of Agriculture Mohammad Reza Eskandari [8], Mohsen Rezaee (secretary of Iran's powerful Expediency Discernment Council), and several parliamentary committee chairs, all from Khuzestan. Ali Shamkhani is an Iranian admiral. ... The city of Ahvaz, sometimes has mistakenly transcribed as Ahwaz (Persian: اَهواز ahvāz) , is capital of the Iranian province of Khuzestan. ... Mohsen Rezaee Mirghaed (محسن رضائی), born Sabzevar Rezaee Mirghaed in September 1954, is an Iranian politician, professor, and military commander, currently the Secretary of the Expediency Discernment Council of Iran. ... The Expediency Discernment Council of the System (Persian: مجمع تشخیص مصلحت نظام), is an establishment in the Constitution of Islamic Republic of Iran. ...

Human rights

Amnesty International

Amnesty International has highlighted a number of human rights abuses against Ahwazi Arabs in Khuzestan. In 2005, these included: Amnesty International (commonly known as Amnesty or AI) is an non-governmental membership organization with the stated purpose of campaigning for internationally recognized human rights. ...

• The persecution of Arabs in Khuzestan [9]
• The alleged killing of at least 31 people in unrest in April 2005 [10]
• The arbitrary arrest, possible torture and incommunicado detentention of Arab writer and journalist Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof [11] [12]
• The incommunicado detention of Taher Mahmoud Tamimi, Mohammad Jalali and at least 37 others in a government crack-down following unrest in April [13]
• The incommunicado detention and possible torture of close relatives of Arab tribal leader Hajj Salem Bawi [14]
• The incommunicado detention and possible torture of Hamid Qate'Pour (teacher), Emad Rafi'i (teacher) and Mohammad Hezbawi (also known as Hezbaee Zadeh) (newspaper editor) [15]
• Four Arabs arrested during demonstrations during El Al-Fitr in 6 November [16]

Amnesty has also claimed that "hundreds" of Arabs were arrested in 2005 during a crack-down on anti-government demonstrations.

Human Rights Watch

In 1997, Human Rights Watch reported that "Iranian Arabs, an ethnic minority centered in southwest Iran, have cited significant restrictions on their language and culture, and on their right to participate effectively in decisions affecting the area in which they live." [17]. According to another report in the same year, "Arabic is not taught in elementary schools, and the Arabic teaching in secondary schools focuses exclusively on religious texts. The governor of Khuzestan is not an Arab" while "Arabs make up 70 percent of the three million inhabitants of Khuzestan province in the southwest of Iran." [18] In 2005, there have been reports of unrest over grievances of local Arabs such as "inadequate attention to their culture and language by state media, facing discrimination in getting jobs, unfair distribution of Khuzestan's oil wealth." [19] In January 2006, a third attempt by local Majlis members to redistribute 1.5% of revenues to Khuzestan's provincial government was voted down. Human Rights Watch Banner Human Rights Watch is a United States-based international non-governmental organization that conducts research and advocacy on human rights. ... Arabic can mean: From or related to Arabia From or related to the Arabs The Arabic language; see also Arabic grammar The Arabic alphabet, used for expressing the languages of Arabic, Persian, Malay ( Jawi), Kurdish, Panjabi, Pashto, Sindhi and Urdu, among others. ... Arabic can mean: From or related to Arabia From or related to the Arabs The Arabic language; see also Arabic grammar The Arabic alphabet, used for expressing the languages of Arabic, Persian, Malay ( Jawi), Kurdish, Panjabi, Pashto, Sindhi and Urdu, among others. ... The Arabs (Arabic: عرب) are a heterogenous ethnic group who are predominantly speakers of the Arabic language, mainly found throughout the Middle East and North Africa. ... The Arabs (Arabic: عرب ) are an ethnic group found throughout the Middle East and North Africa. ...

In 2005, HRW criticised the treatment of Khuzestani Arab writer and journalist Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof, who was arrested after he spoke out about the killing of local residents during the protests, which began on April 15. The organisation also criticised the killing of civilians by security forces in the unrest and quoted "government critics" as stating that "at least 50 people were killed." HRW said it had been provided with a list of names of those killed, including two boys aged eight and 12, by the US-based Ahwaz Human Rights Organisation. This contradicted government claims that no more than four people were killed. Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof (b. ...

HRW also said that the government was demanding a payment of 50,000,000 Iranian rials (US $6250) for each body, "allegedly to compensate for damages to public buildings sustained during the protests. This amount was later reduced to 15,000,000 rials (US$1875)."

Joe Stork, the director of HRW's Middle East division, said: "The Iranian authorities have again displayed their readiness to silence those who denounce human rights violations. We have serious allegations the government used excessive lethal force, arbitrary arrests and torture in Khuzistan." [20]

Criticism

The Iranian government claims that efforts to disproportionately accentuate the problems in Khuzestan are by certain foreign media or political groups, particularly those based in the UK. [21]

Further along this line, it is also believed that Khuzestani Arabs are not as disproportionately affected by poverty or ethnic marginalisation as is claimed, stating that there are poorer and more marginalised sections of Iranian society, including Khuzestani Persians. The governor's office of Khuzestan claims the provincial GDP to rank 3rd in the nation [22], yet to what extent the local population benefits from these fruits remains unclear. Map showing Khuzestan in Iran Domes like this are quite common in Khuzestan province. ...

Furthermore, contrary to the arguments put forward by human rights groups, Arabic is actually taught in public schools, with Classical Arabic (Quranic) and Modern Standard Arabic compulsory subjects on the school curriculum. Classical and Modern Arabic are taught for 7 years starting 6th grade into college. As such, the following are actual samples from textbooks taught throughout Iran, aside from the standard Islamic studies classes: To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article or section may require cleanup. ...

• 6th grade:
  • Modern Arabic (Click on files on row 114_1)
  • Quranic Arabic (Click on files on row 112) (also)
• 7th grade:
  • Modern Arabic: (Click on files on row 125) (also)
  • Quranic Arabic: (Click on files on row 126) (also)
• 8th grade:
  • Modern Arabic: (Click on files on row 141) (also)
  • Quranic Arabic: (Click)
• 9th grade:
  • Modern Arabic: (Click on files on row 204/1)

sources: General Bureau for Authoring Educational Textbooks of Iran and General Bureau for Textbooks Printing and Distribution

It is also contended that the rights of indigenous Persian and Iranian groups of Khuzestan, such as the nomadic Bakhtiari and Lur tribes, are often over-looked due to the publicity surrounding Khuzestani Arabs. However, others contend that the regional Khuzestani Arabic dialect is suppressed, local Arabic newspapers have been closed down and Khuzestani Arab political parties have been banned. Khuzestani Arabic is a dialect of Arabic spoken in the Iranian province of Khuzestan. ...

Khuzestani Arab refugees in Iraq

A report on Iraq published by the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) in November 2005 drew attention to the plight of Khuzestani Arab refugees in Iraq. [23] The report says that there are around 2,500 Arab refugees in Iraq, most of whom fled the Iran-Iraq War. According to the UNHCR, "... they are predominantly of rural background, and live in local settlements in southern Iraq near the Dujailah area 45 kilometres west of al-Kut." Headquartered in Geneva, Switzerland, the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Refugees (UNHCR) (established December 14, 1950) protects and supports refugees at the request of a government or the United Nations and assists in their return or resettlement. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article may require cleanup. ...

The refugees had been given land and housing by the regime of Saddam Hussein, but after his downfall in 2003 they were made homeless after being attacked by extremist Arab militias allied to the Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI), an Iraqi Shi'a party supported by the Iranian government. According to the UNHCR, around 80 Khuzestani Arab families were forced out of their homes by opponents of Saddam Hussein and have been relocated to the UNHCR transit centre near Basra. The UNHCR report states that "they were later evacuated by the Iraqi authorities and ever since have been scattered throughout the southern governorates. Many attempted to return to Iran, but came back to Iraq due to alleged harassment by the Iranian authorities and difficulties reintegrating following years in exile." Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majidida al-Tikriti (Arabic: ‎ [1]; born April 28, 1937[2]), was the President and dictator of Iraq from July 16, 1979 until April 9, 2003, when he was deposed during the United States-led 2003 invasion of Iraq. ... The Supreme Council for the Islamic Revolution in Iraq (SCIRI) is an Iraqi political party; its support comes from the countrys Shia Muslim community and from their fellow religionists in neighbouring Iran. ... Location of Basra Basra (Arabic: ‎ ; BGN: Al Başrah) is the second largest city of Iraq with an estimated population of c. ...

Alleged forced displacement

A frequent complaint among Khuzestani Arabs is their forced displacement and the settlement of Azeris and Persians from outside Khuzestan on their land.[24] The problem was highlighted by UN Special Rapporteur for Adequate Housing, following a visit to Khuzestan in July 2005.

In an interview with IRINnews, Kothari said: [25]

"When you visit Ahwaz, in terms of the very adverse conditions in the neighbourhoods, there are thousands of people living with open sewers, no sanitation, no regular access to water, electricity and no gas connections.

In Khuzestan ... we drove outside the city about 20 km and we visited the areas where large development projects are coming up - sugar cane plantations and other projects along the river - and the estimate we received is that between 200,000-250,000 Arab people are being displaced from their villages because of these projects.

The third issue in Khuzestan, which is very disturbing, is that there is an attempt being made by the government to build new towns and bring in new people from other provinces. For example, there is the new town of Shirinshah where most of the people being brought into that town are people from Yazd province - non-Arabs. So the question then is that these people who are being brought there, perhaps for work and lots of incentives, why is it that those jobs are not going to the locals?

We looked in detail in some areas on the issue of compensation and, for example, in Khuzestan the compensation being offered to the Arab villagers who were being displaced is sometimes one fortieth of the market value - and there's nothing they can do about it. It's a fait accompli. That's how it is. And all of these phenomena are continuing. It's something that is happening almost every day."

Underlining the marginalisation of Khuzestani Arabs from the mainstream economy, Khotari said that in Khuzestan's slums, which are dominated by Arabs, "you can actually see the towers of the oil refineries and the flares and all of that money, which is a lot, and it is going out of the province. Even a small percentage would significantly improve things in terms of development."

Kothari also drew attention to the situation facing the Laks, who are an Iranian people indigenous to Khuzestan. He called them "... a very deprived group ... living in conditions of high density, again without access to adequate sanitation and water. And just nearby, you see other neighbourhoods with much better services." The Laks are an Iranian ethnic group in southwestern Iran. ... Faravahar is a prominent guardian spirit in Zoroastrianism and Iranian culture that is believed to be a depiction of a Fravashi. ...

Kothari's description of the position of the Laks suggests that economic marginalisation in Khuzestan is not only experienced by Khuzestani Arabs, but also ethnic Persian groups who are indigenous to the area.

Kothari's findings led to condemnation of forced displacement of Khuzestani Arabs in a European Parliament resolution, passed in October 2005. The resolution, supported by centre-right European People's Party and European Democrats, centre-left Party of European Socialists, centrist Alliance of Liberals and Democrats, the Greens and the left-wing European United Left, The European Peoples Party (Christian Democrats) and European Democrats is a group in the European Parliament. ... The Party of European Socialists (PES) (French: Parti socialiste européen (PSE); German: Sozialdemokratische Partei Europas (SPE); Spanish: Partido socialista europeo (PSE); Italian: Partito socialista europeo (PSE)) is a European political party whose members are 30 social democratic, socialist and labour parties of the European Union member states as well... ALDE logo The Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (French: Alliance des Démocrates et des Libéraux pour lEurope, Dutch: Alliantie van Liberalen en Democraten voor Europa) is a Group in the European Parliament. ... Greens are people who support some or all of goals of a Green Party without necessarily working with or voting for that or any party. ... The European United Left–Nordic Green Left is a socialist and communist political grouping within the European Parliament. ...

condemns the treatment of minorities such as ... the inhabitants of the area around Ahwaz city, the provincial capital of the ethnic Arab dominated Khuzestan province, who are being displaced from their villages according to statements by Miloon Kothari, UN Rapporteur on Adequate Housing. [26]

Addressing the European Parliament, European Commissioner Jan Figel, speaking on behalf of Benita Ferrero-Waldner (European Commissioner for External Relations), underlined the "excessive use of force to suppress unrest in the provinces of Khuzestan and Kurdistan" as a matter of "deep concern." [27] Ján Figeľ Ján Figeľ (born 20 January 1960) is a Slovak politician, currently serving as European Commissioner for Education, Training, Culture and Multilingualism. ... Benita Ferrero-Waldner Benita Ferrero-Waldner (born September 5, 1948) is the European Commissioner for Foreign Affairs and an Austrian diplomat and politician. ...

Arvand Free Zone

Some Ahwazi Arab groups have drawn attention to the creation of the 155 square km Arvand Free Zone project, around the cities of Khorramshahr, Abadan, and Minoo Island, which they claim will intensify the forced displacement of Khuzestani Arabs along the Arvand/Shatt al-Arab, which forms the southern border between Khuzestan and Iraq's Basra province. The website of the Arvand Free Zone Organisation lists some of its goals, including: The Arvand Free Zone is a 155 square kilometer industrial and security zone that surrounds Khorramshahr, Abadan, and Minoo Island along the Arvand/Shatt al-Arab. ... The Shatt al-Arab (Arabic: شط العرب) or Arvand (called اروندرود: arvandrūd in Persian), also called the Shatt-al-Arab waterway, is a river in Southwest Asia of some 200 km in length, formed by the... Location of Basra Basra (Arabic: ‎ ; BGN: Al BaÅŸrah) is the second largest city of Iraq with an estimated population of c. ...

• Commercial and industrial development
• Job creation
• Increasing national income
• Stabilization of national security [28]

Investment for the Zone has been secured from China, with the manufacturing of "electronic and home appliances, as well as textiles and shoes." [29]

According to a letter published by the Arvand Free Zone Organisation, land falling under its jurisdiction will be expropriated. [30] Ahwazi Arab groups have reacted strongly to the way in which the local population is being treated, claiming that this amounts to ethnic cleansing.[31]

A report in the Daily Telegraph [32], published in October 2005, called the Arvand Free Zone a "sinister development" with

tens of thousands of ethnic Ahwazi Arabs, who populate the area bordering southern Iraq, ... expected to be displaced to make way for an expanded military-industrial complex.

The British Ahwazi Friendship Society (BAFS), an advocacy group for Khuzestani Arabs in the UK, claims it will help Iran's Revolutionary Guards to influence the Shi'a areas of Iraq.

A BAFS spokesman said: "Apart from being a serious human rights issue, any development that involves people being displaced by force obviously has a security element to it as they clearly do not want people being too near. The fact that they are deciding to put this huge complex right up against the border is significant. We think this is to enable them to train and send militias over the border."

The Hamsahyeha newspaper in Ahvaz, which covers Khuzestan, reported that residents of Minoo Island were complaining of bullying tactics by employees of the Arvand Free Zone Organisation. Mostafa Motowarzadeh, the parliamentary representative for Khorramshahr, also said that the Iranian authorities pressing forward land acquisitions ahead of the end of the official consultation period.[33]

Place names

Many of the towns and cities in Khuzestan had Arabic or local names in Arab rulers era, which have since been changed. Some Khuzestani Arabs contend that the change of place names is intended to wipe out the local Arab heritage and Persianize the province. However, some of these names have their origins in pre-Islamic Khuzestan. Arvandrud for example is mentioned in the Shahnama, and Andimeshk is the name of medieval Dezful.(E.I., p26) The following are a selection of place names that have been re-changed in new era. The Shatt al-Arab (Arabic: شط العرب) or Arvand (called اروندرود: arvandrūd in Persian), also called the Shatt-al-Arab waterway, is a river in Southwest Asia of some 200 km in length, formed by the... Shahnameh Shahnameh Scenes from the Shahnameh carved into reliefs at Tus, where Ferdowsi is buried. ... Andimeshk is a city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran. ... Dezful (Dezh-pol, Dez Bridge) is a city in the Khuzestan province in southwestern Iran. ... Encyclopædia Iranica is a project of Columbia Universitys Center for Iranian Studies to create a comprehensive and authoritiative English language encyclopedia about the history and culture of Iran and Persia. ...

Hezbollah

As with the rest of Iran, anti-government protests, demonstrations, and worker's strikes do occur from time to time in Khuzestan. However, unlike other provinces, the Lebanese Hezbollah, under the direct command of the Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (IRGC), are used in place of riot police to violently quell Iranian Arab dissent. The Islamic Republic, being one of the primary financiers of the Hezbollah, operates several training camps for the militant Islamist group in western Khuzestan under the jurisdiction and supervision of the IRGC. The IRGC has also been known to utilize the Hezbollah against the civilian population in other parts of Iran on occasion. Iranian journalists and observers who attempt to raise concerns regarding these activities typically risk imprisonment. This article is becoming very long. ... Islamic Revolutionary Guards Corps (Persian: سپاه پاسداران انقلاب اسلامی - Sepah-e Pasdaran-e Enghelab-e Islami), often shortened to Revolutionary Guards, or called by its Persian name Sepah or Pasdaran, is a military organization of the Islamic Republic of Iran. ... Islamism is a political ideology derived from the conservative religious views of Muslim fundamentalism. ...

April 2005 riots

In April 2005, riots broke out in several Khuzestani cities, following the circulation of a letter marked "top secret" from President Khatami's office and written in 1999, which was broadcast on Al-Jazeera and Al-Ahwaz television stations. The letter outlined a plan to encourage Persians to settle in Khuzestan, thereby changing the ethnic composition of the province. Central government officials say that the letter is a blatant forgery. Nevertheless, Arab youths rioted and some four hundred were arrested in Ahvaz. [34] 2005 (MMV) was a common year starting on Saturday of the Gregorian calendar. ... 1999 (MCMXCIX) was a common year starting on Friday, and was designated the International Year of Old Farts by the Sometimes-United Nations. ... The city of Ahvaz, sometimes has mistakenly transcribed as Ahwaz (Persian: اَهواز ahvāz) , is capital of the Iranian province of Khuzestan. ...

Government officials say that the youth were misled by foreign agitators, with accusations made against Saudi Arabia, Canada and the United Kingdom. On 26 April 2005, the Majlis National Security and Foreign Policy Commission Rapporteur Kazem Jalali accused British Foreign Secretary Jack Straw of interfering in Khuzestan and backing Arab opposition parties, which are illegal in Iran. This claim followed revelations that Straw had met with an Iranian Arab exile in March. Given that fomenting internal unrest is a millennia-old, tried-and-true technique for subverting enemy regimes, it is possible that this claim is true. It is also true that in many cases unrest has been blamed on outside agitators even though no foreigners were involved; most governments do not wish to believe that their policies could be contributing to internal unrest. There were also claims that the letter was published by a political faction to influence the outcome of the presidential elections.

Members of the Majlis, the Iranian Parliament, have raised concerns that ethnic tensions and the violent clashes in April 2005 are the result of economic inequalities and the lingering effects of the Iran-Iraq war. A petition signed by 180 Iranian MPs was sent to President Khatami condemning the behaviour of "executive officials," who they claim have failed in their duties to Iran's Arab population and have done little to address the root socio-economic causes that led to the uprising. Many MPs were unhappy at the government crack-down against Arab demonstrators in Khuzestan following the riots, indicating that the Iranian establishment was divided on policies towards the Arab minority and that the issue of ethnic minorities was assuming a higher priority ahead of the presidential elections. Majlis is an Arabic term used to describe various types of formal legislative assemblies in countries with linguistic or cultural connections to Islamic countries. ... To meet Wikipedias quality standards, this article may require cleanup. ...

Prominent Iranian Arab journalist Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof was also arrested on 25 April 2005 at his home in Tehran, in connection with the riots. He was released without charge in June 2005.[35] Yusef Azizi Bani-Torof (b. ... Tehran (IPA: ; Persian: تهران, also transliterated as Teheran or Tehrān), population 7,160,094 (metropolitan: 14,000,000[citation needed]), and a land area of 658 square kilometers, is the capital city of Iran (Persia) and the center of Tehran Province. ...

Terrorist attacks in Khuzestan

In 2005, Ahvaz witnessed a number of terrorist attacks. The first came ahead of the presidential election on 12 June. Interior Ministry official Mohammad Hussein Motahar said at the time:

Two bombs were hidden in toilets within the building of the Ministry of Housing and Urban Development and at the Office of Construction and Civil Engineering. The third bomb exploded in front of the house of the governor of Khuzestan Province. All three of these explosions were in the city center of Ahvaz. Another bomb was hidden in the doorway of the house of a [state] radio and television official in Ahvaz. The bomb went off when the door was opened.[36]

On 16 October, two bombs exploded in a shopping mall killing at least four people. The bombs were placed in bins. Two days later, the authorities claimed that they had foiled an attempt to bomb Abadan refinery and Kianpars bridge in Ahvaz. Attacks on oil pipelines were reported by the authorities throughout the year, particularly in September when five oil wells caught alight.

The Iranian government has pointed the blame for the bomb attacks on a number of groups and foreign governments. The government initially blamed the Mujahideen-e-Khalq (MeK) and the separatist Ahwazi Arab Peoples Democratic Popular Front (ADPF), with support from the American and British governments. Both groups denied responsibility. At least three Arab groups claimed responsibility for the June bombings, including the Canada-based Party of the Ahwaz Arab Renaissance Party (AARP) (aka Hizba al-Nahdah al-Arabi al-Ahwazi) [37]. Sabah al-Musawi of AARP - which was created in Damascus by the Syrian Ba'ath Party - also appeared to justify the killing of civilians, stating: "These people came from outside Ahvaz. These are settlers.... They came to Ahvaz and they must bear the consequences. The regime must bear its responsibilities towards the people it brought as settlers to Ahwaz." [38] The AARP had claimed responsibility for an attack on the Abadan-Ma'shuur pipeline in May 2005. MKO Logo The Peoples Mujahedin of Iran (PMOI) (Persian: سازمان مجاهدين خلق ايران) is an Iranian opposition group [1]. Other names for it include Mujahideen-e-Khalq Organization (MKO) and Mojahedin-e-Khalq (MEK). ...

However, the Democratic Solidarity Party of Al-Ahwaz condemned all killing of civilians, suggesting that many of those killed were Khuzestani Arabs themselves.[39] According to Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty, British Ahwazi Friendship Society (BAFS) spokesman Nasser Bani-Assad dismissed the claims of responsibility by various foreign-based separatist groups, alleging that they did not have the ability to carry out an attack and were seeking publicity and notoriety.[40] [41] In a statement on the BAFS website, Bani-Assad said:

If you want to know who is behind the attacks, you only have to think about who would benefit the most - and it is not the Arabs. Certainly, the more extreme hard-line elements of the Iranian establishment will benefit greatly from the nationalist and religious fervour and anti-Arab sentiments that will arise as a result of these bomb attacks.

Presidential candidate Mostafa Moeen also suggested that those responsible for the Ahvaz attacks were also linked to similar attacks in Tehran and Zahedan. In an interview with the Guardian newspaper, Moeen suggested that the violence could have been aimed at encouraging people to vote for a hardline militarist candidate. When asked by the Guardian whether the attacks had the government's approval, he said: "I do not consider it improbable."[42] Dr Mostafa Moeen Mostafa Moeen, M.D. (مصطفی معین; born April 1, 1951), also spelled Moin, is an Iranian politician and professor, and an Advisor to the former President Mohammad Khatami. ...

In the months after the June attacks, government officials and the pro-government media alleged that the UK, US, Canada, Saudi Arabia and the Shell Oil Company all had a role in the bombings, but none published any conclusive evidence. Despite claiming to have arrested those responsible for the attacks, no-one has been charged or put on trial.

Following the October attacks, the head of the judiciary for Khuzestan province, Sayyed Khalil Akbar al-Sadat, blamed "British spies," while the conservative Kayhan newspaper claimed the terrorists were "British soldiers." Deputy Interior Minister Mohammad Hossein Mousapour told state-run Mehr news agency: Kayhan is one of the oldest newspapers in Iran (Persia), published by the Kayhan Institute. ... Mehr , Mitra or Mithra is the Iranian scholar, symbol of Light, and a School of thought(the literal meaning of the name is kindness). ...

Most probably those involved in the explosion were British agents who were involved in the previous incidents in Ahvaz and Khuzestan.[43]

The British Embassy in Tehran denied any responsibility in a statement released after the attacks:

There has been speculation in the past about alleged British involvement in Khuzestan. We reject these allegations. Any linkage between the British Government and these terrorist outrages is completely without foundation.

Various officials repeated the claim of British involvement, repeating that they had reliable intelligence and confessions from those arrested after the attacks. However, no-one has been tried in connection to the attacks. Senior members of the Bawi (Bavi) tribe were arrested and two were sentenced to death, but it is not known whether this is in connection with the attacks.[44]

Political organisations

There are a number of Iranian Arab political parties operating in exile, but no known political party representing other ethnic groups in Khuzestan. The ideology of Arab parties varies, although most are secular in their political outlook. Ideology, tactics, tribal loyalties and personal ambition have prevented these parties from forming a united front. Some advocate armed resistance, while others believe in non-violent action. Most refer to Khuzestan as al-Ahwaz or Arabistan, although some define Arabistan as also including territory along the Gulf coast to the Straight of Hormuz. Whether these views are popular or even accepted amongst most Iranian Arabs is uncertain. Khuzestan's deputy governor Rahim Fazilatpur claimed that the Arab Martyrs of Khuzestan, the Al-Ahwaz Arab Peoples Democratic Popular Front (AADPF) and the Ahwaz Arab Renaissance Party (AARP) were given support by the British and US governments to carry out the bomb attacks of June 2005.[45]

The Ahwazi political parties are divided into two camps: those seeking a separate state and those seeking regional autonomy within a federal Iran. Critics of these parties claim that separatism has no support among Arabs, pointing to the decision by many Ahwazi Arabs to defend Iran during the Iran-Iraq War. They also contend that separatism has always been instigated by foreign governments - particularly the British - to weaken Iran in order to control the country's natural resources and extend their influence over the Middle East.[46] Many make no distinction between separatists and federalists, claiming that those seeking federalism have a separatist agenda and that the devolution of power to regional ethnic groups would lead to the break-up of Iran.

Some Iranian opposition parties operating abroad launched a campaign to stop the American Enterprise Institute hosting a conference entitled "The Unknown Iran: Another Case for Federalism?" in October 2005.[47] A petition to stop the event attracted more than 1,000 signatures from members of the Iranian diaspora.[48] Some added that the meeting indicated a new alliance between US neo-conservatives and Iranian separatists, ahead of a possible invasion of Iran by the US and its allies. Dr Ali Al-Taie, a member of the Democratic Solidarity Party of Ahwaz which upholds a federalist agenda for Iran, said at the debate: "When it comes to ethnic rights, Persian opposition groups are on the same side as the terrorist Islamic Republic. If this continues, we will see the Balkanization of Iran."[49] But he added that: "Despite the long history of persecution, the Arabs of Khuzestan/al-Ahwaz are Iranian. There will never be, nor should there be, disintegration or separatism in Iran. Rather, all Iranian people, regardless of their ethnic background, should live under a pluralistic, tolerant, and federal society."[50] The American Enterprise Institute for Public Policy Research is a conservative think tank founded in 1943 whose stated mission is to support the foundations of freedom - limited government, private enterprise, vital cultural and political institutions, and a strong foreign policy and national defense. ...

Arab

Islamic Wefagh Party

The Islamic Wefagh Party is the only known Arab group to have been tolerated by the Iranian government. Jasem Shadidzadeh Al-Tamimi is the party's secretary general. He was a member of the Sixth Majlis (2000-04), representing Ahwaz as a member of the Islamic Iran Participation Front, but was barred from standing for election in 2004. Following the unrest in Khuzestan in April 2005, Al-Tamimi wrote to the then President Khotami calling on him to remove the "wall of mistrust between the proud Iranian ethnicities, so that the infected wounds of the Arab people of Ahwaz may heal." He added that "our wishful thinking about reforms in Arab affairs by the Reformists has been only a mirage," indicating that he no longer had faith in the Participation Front. [51] He listed a number of grievances, including: The Islamic Iran Participation Front (Jebheye Mosharekate Iran-e Eslaami, جبهه مشارکت ایران اسلامی in Persian) is a reformist political party in Iran. ...

• violence against Arab demonstrators by security forces
• land confiscation
• the destruction of Arab residential compounds
• the high level of drug abuse among Ahwazi Arabs, which he claims is rooted in poverty
• racial discrimination and the official view of Arabs as a security threat
• the government's failure to issue activity permits for the Islamic Wefagh Party and affiliated non-governmental organisations

He indicates that he opposes separatism and the ideology of "extreme Persian nationalism" he associates with the previous monarchist government. The Islamic Wefagh Party claims to have an "extensive" base of support in Khuzestan, although the government's failure to give it an activity permit means that it cannot test this in any election held in the province.

Al-Ahwaz Arab Peoples Democratic Popular Front

The Al-Ahwaz Arab Peoples Democratic Popular Front (AADPF) is based in London, UK. The group calls for human rights and democracy for Ahwazi Arabs and believes that Al-Ahwaz was occupied by Iran in 1925. The ADPF has a number of activists in Iranian custody. AADPF is one of the most popular politic organization witch believes in referendum for separate Alahwaz or federalise Iran. They are the most active Ahwazian group inside Alahwaz and in International organizations. They had many demonstrations against Iranian regime and its non-humanitarian practices against Arabs in Alaheaz. . Also they held many conferences in different European and North American countries to clear a lot of human right issues in Iran. It is behind Alahwazia TV channel and two websites in Arabic, English and Farsi. www.alahwaz.org and www.alahwaz.com

Ahwaz Arab Renaissance Party

The AARP is another separatist group advocating armed resistance to the Iranian government. It was originally set up in the 1990s by the Syrian government, but has since moved its leadership to Canada. In April 2005, it claimed on a pro-Iraqi Ba'athist website that it had exploded a bomb on the Ahwaz-Tehran pipeline. [52] It also claimed responsibility for the June 2005 bombings in Ahwaz City. Two other groups also separately claimed responsibility for the attacks. It is led by Sabah al-Musawi, a Canadian resident.[53]

Democratic Solidarity Party of Al-Ahwaz

The Democratic Solidarity Party of Al-Ahwaz (DSPA), based in the US and the UK, has risen to prominence in recent years through its membership of the Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organisation (UNPO), where it represents the 'Ahwazi' people. The DSPA's ideology is different from the separatists in that it explicitly rejects the use of violence and advocates what it calls "internal self-determination". It also limits its territorial focus on Khuzestan, making no stand on Arab-populated living outside the province. Logo of the UNPO The Unrepresented Nations and Peoples Organization (UNPO) is a democratic, international organization. ...

The DSPA claims that Khuzestan's historical Arab identity means that the province should be given autonomy within a federal political system, but it says it respects Iran's territorial integrity. To achieve its ends, it has formed a coalition with like-minded parties representing Kurds, Azeris, Baluchis, Turkmen, Bakhtiaris and Lurs, some of which have been in armed conflict with the Iranian state. Formed in London in March 2005, the Congress of Iranian Nationalities for a Federal Iran (CINFI) brought together the DSPA, the Baluchistan United Front, Federal Democratic Movement of Azarbaijan, Democratic Party of Iranian Kurdistan, Baluchistan People's Party, Organization for Defense of the Rights of Turkmen People and Komalah, a Kurdish opposition party.[54] Komalah (Komele in Kurdish) is a Marxist Kurdish opposition group. ...

The DSPA also began a campaign of intensive lobbying to raise the international profile of its cause. The BAFS, the Ahwaz Human Rights Organisation and the Ahwaz Education and Human Rights Foundation regularly co-operate with the DSPA in its lobbying activities.

The DSPA's most prominent members include Mansour Silawi Al-Ahwazi, a journalist and broadcaster and the treasurer of the BAFS, and Dr Ali Al-Taie, an associate professor of sociology at Shaw University.

Ahwaz Liberation Organisation

The Ahwaz Liberation Organisation (ALO), based in Maastricht in the Netherlands, was formed out of the remnants of three Iraqi-backed groups - the Democratic Revolutionary Front for the Liberation of Arabistan (DRFLA), People's Front for Liberation of Arabistan (PFLA) and the Arab Front for the Liberation of Al-Ahwaz (AFLA). The DRFLA was the most notorious, having been sponsored by Saddam Hussein. It was founded after the newly-installed Islamic government fired on Arab demonstrators in Khorramshahr, killing many of them. The DRFLA was behind the May 1980 Iranian Embassy Siege in London, taking a number of hostages in an effort to draw attention to its demands for the self-determination of the Arab population of Khuzestan. The British Special Air Service (SAS) stormed the building and freed the hostages. The one surviving hostage-taker, Fowzi Nejad, was brought to trial in and imprisoned for a minimum of 25 years in 1981. He has remained in prison ever since. Although appeal judges commuted his life sentence to 22 years in 2004, the Home Office has kept him in custody.[55] Flag of Maastricht. ... Saddam Hussein Abd al-Majidida al-Tikriti (Arabic: ‎ [1]; born April 28, 1937[2]), was the President and dictator of Iraq from July 16, 1979 until April 9, 2003, when he was deposed during the United States-led 2003 invasion of Iraq. ... The Iranian Embassy Siege of 1980 was a terrorist siege of the Iranian Embassy in London, United Kingdom. ... It has been suggested that SAS Troops be merged into this article or section. ...

The ALO's constituent groups operated as a mercenary force on behalf of Saddam's regime during the Iran-Iraq War, carrying out assassinations and attacking oil facilities. Bomb attacks on oil and power facilities have continued since the end of the Iraq War, although the ALO has not formally claimed responsibility. The ALO's leader, Faleh Abdallah Al-Mansouri, has been living in exile in the Netherlands since 1989, shortly after the end of the Iran-Iraq War. He has since gained Dutch nationality. He has declared himself to be the "President" of Al-Ahwaz, which he claims extends beyond Khuzestan, including much of the coast of Iran. His perceived influence amongst his Arab supporters in Khuzestan has largely diminished following the end of the Iran-Iraq War, which led to a radical reduction in Iraqi funds.

Al-Mansouri was arrested in Syria in May 2006 along with Ahwazi Arabs who were registered as refugees by the UNHCR.[56] Although the Iranian government did not name the men who were taken into custody, officials said that the men arrested in Syria were Salafists who they accused of involvement in bomb attacks.[57] However, the ALO's website makes no indication that it is motivated by a religious cause, but rather has stayed within the ideology of secular Arab nationalism. This article is on the beliefs of the followers of the Salaf. ...

Multiethnic

Movement of Khuzestan Autonomy

The Movement of Khuzestan Autonomy (MKA) was founded in 1997 by Saeed Agha Jarri and Mohammad-Ardashir al-Ka'bi, two businessmen from Khorramshahr. Before the Revolution, they were strong monarchists supporting the Shah's government, and afterwards moved to Dubai. After the Iran-Iraq War, they returned to Khuzestan to help rebuild the cities and invested in some businesses and factories, and to provide housing for the poor, but their assets were later seized by the Tehran government. They went back to Dubai and then met with another person from Khuzestan, Shahab Kalantari, who also lost property to the government who instead gave his lands to tribal squatters. The three decided to launch a new movement called the "Movement of Khuzestan Autonomy" with its goal being the changing of Khuzestan into an internationally recognised multiethnic "Autonomous Region" or "Freestate" with its own Parliament and national leader. The MKA also promotes the amalgamation of Ilam province with Khuzestan. The movement attracted little notice until August 2001 when Hamshahri newspaper published an interview with Shahab Kalantari who had recently attempted to get a new Iranian passport and was denied. Mr. Kalantari believes that an autonomous freestate Khuzestan will return the province to being rich and prosperous and one of the richest zones in the world, and is free to maintain trade relations independent of the Tehran governments politics. In the Hamshahri interview a spokesperson for the Tehran government called the movement "a social club run by a few rich disaffected monarchists living in Dubai and Bahrain who like some other groups think they speak for the people of Khuzestan. We do not take them seriously, just as we do not take seriously the notion of the pretender who fancies himself King of Iran. The people of Khuzestan do not want or need any of these groups who do not live in reality."

Media

Newspapers

The editor of Ahvaz's Persian language Hamsayeha newspaper, Mohammad Hezbawi (also known as Hezbaee Zadeh), was arrested in September 2005 but later released. [58]

Television

Television broadcasting in Arabic language in Khuzestan is state-owned (e.g.) as is the case in other parts of the country, but many inhabitants also watch foreign Arabic language satellite channels. The Qatar-based Al-Jazeera news channel was blamed by the Iranian government for its coverage of anti-government protests by Arabs in April 2005. It was also angered by Al-Jazeera's interview with a member of the separatist Al-Ahwaz Arab Peoples Democratic Popular Front (ADPF) who spoke of "80 years of Iranian occupation in Khuzestan". Following the ban, Aidan White, the General Secretary of the International Federation of Journalists, said: It should also be noted that Aljazeera. ...

This closure is a spiteful act of censorship and a blatant attempt by the authorities to make media the scapegoat for civil unrest. If Iran has complaints about media standards it should seek professional redress, not take action that undermines press freedom and pluralism ... It looks as though the authorities are seeking a scapegoat for their own troubles.[59]

In recent years, Ahwazi Arab groups have broadcast to Khuzestan. A report by BBC Monitoring published in January 2006 stated that there were two Ahwazi Arab satellite channels: Ahwaz TV and Al-Ahwaz TV.[60] The differences between the two stations appear to reflect the ideological schism between those groups that advocate an independent Arab state and those calling for greater autonomy within Iran.

Ahwaz TV is affiliated to the Canada-based "National Liberation Movement of Ahwaz" and describes itself as "the television of occupied Ahwaz", "the voice of Arab strugglers in Ahwaz" and "the voice of the Arab Ahwazi revolution". According to the BBC, "it calls for independence, an end to 80 years of 'occupation' and integration into the greater Arab nation." Recent programmes broadcast by Ahwaz TV appear to indicate that it also has the backing of the ADPF. The archived footage can be access from the channel's website. [61]

Al-Ahwaz TV is affiliated to the UK-based Democratic Solidarity Party of Al-Ahwaz (DSPA) and funded by the British Ahwazi Friendship Society (BAFS).[62] BBC Monitoring says the station is broadcast on the Assyrian Betnahrain satellite channel (http://www.assyriasat.org/sat/default.htm), on Hot Bird 6 at 11585 MHz. Al-Ahwaz TV's website stated that it is "an independent, grass-roots broadcaster transmitting to the Ahwazi Arab homeland" and claims to promote

non-violent opposition to the Iranian regime and advocates democratic change, focussing on the Ahwazi Arabs, who are indigenous to south-west Iran. Al-Ahwaz TV seeks to hand the media back to the Ahwazis, who are oppressed, marginalised and discriminated against.[63]

It states that it is "not supported by any government or government-funded institution" and is "run, staffed and owned by Ahwazi Arabs and run by a democratic editorial collective." BBC Monitoring also quotes BAFS as stating that "it does not support separatism and upholds the territorial integrity of Iran as a multi-ethnic country with regional autonomy."

References

1. ^ Patrick Clawson. Eternal Iran. Palgrave Macmillan. 2005 ISBN 1-4039-6276-6 p.23
2. ^ "Memorandum by the Rev. George Percy Badger on the Pretensions of Persia in Beloochistan and Mekran, drawn up with special reference to Her Claim to Gwadur and Charbar," London, Dec. 23, 1863, FOP 60/287.

• Tarikh-e Pahnsad Saal-e Khuzestan (Five Hundred Year History of Khuzestan) by Ahmad Kasravi
• Jang-e Iran va Britannia dar Muhammereh (The Iran-British War in Muhammereh) by Ahmad Kasravi
• Tarikh-e Bist Saal-e Iran (Twenty Year History of Iran) by Hossein Maki (Tehran, 1945-47)
• Hayat-e Yahya (The Life of Yahya) by Yahya Dolatabadi (Tehran, 1948-52)
• Tarikh-e Ejtemai va Edari Doreieh Qajarieh (The Administrative and Social History of the Qajar Era) by Abdollah Mostofi (Tehran, 1945-49) ISBN 1-56859-041-5 (for the English translation)
• Mosha'sha'iyan, by Muhammad Ali Ranjbar. ISBN 964-329-068-9

Patrick Clawson is the Deputy Director for Research at the Washington Institute for Near East Policy and resident scholar at the American Enterprise Institute. ... Ahmad Kasravi Tabrizi (b. ...

See also

• Ethnic minorities in Iran
• History of Khuzestan
• Origin of the name Khuzestan
• Arabs of Khuzestan

This article focuses on ethnic minorities in Iran and their related political issues and current realities. ... Khuzestan is a province of the Islamic Republic of Iran, located in the area between the Tigris-Euphrates delta and the Zagros Mountains (border of the Iranian plateau). ... Another map from the same author, Khuzestan is overlined in red. ... The Arabs of Khuzestan are one of the ethnic groups of Iran inhabiting the province of Khuzestan. ...

External links

• Ahwaz Explosions: Britain or Not Britain by Arash Motamed, Rooz Online
• Khuzestan: The First Front in the War on Iran? by Zoltan Grossman
• "The Identity and Ancestry of the Indigenous Khuzestani Arabs of Iran: A Nation or Ethnic Group" - speech delivered by Yossef Azizi Bani-Turoof at the Industrial University of Isfahan, Iran
• Democracy, Ethnicity and Repression in Iran: The Plight of the Ahwazi Arabs - by Daniel Brett, Henry Jackson Society
• Domestic Threats to Iranian Stability: Khuzistan and Baluchistan by Michael Rubin, JCPA Jerusalem Issue Brief
• Amnesty International on civil unrest in Khuzestan
• Issues and Perspectives: Ethnic Tension in Khuzestan
• Ethnic Cleansing and Dictatorship vs. Pluralism and Democracy
• "Al-Ahwaz: Al-Fiction"
• Iranian newspaper on the recent unrest
• AsiaTimesOnline on the recent unrest
• Personal memoir of a visit to Khuzestan
• Election report from Khuzestan
• Details on April unrest from RFE/RL Iran Report
• Iran accuses Britain of complicity in unrest
• Asia Times: British Arabism and the bombings in Iran
• Ethnic minorities singled out for attack in Iran

Ahwazi Political Groups

• ALO "Ahwaz Liberation Organisation" - ARC "Al-Ahwaz Revolutionary Council"
• UASE "United Ahwazian Students in Europe"
• Ahwaz Studies Center
• British Ahwazi Friendship Society - Advocacy group for Iran's Arab minority
• Democratic Solidarity Party of Ahwaz
• Al-Ahwaz TV
• Al-Ahwaz Arab Peoples Democratic Popular Front
• Arabistan Online Network (in Arabic)
• Arabistan.org (in Arabic)
• Ahwazi Arab Renaissance Party (Hizb al-Nahda al-Arabi al-Ahwazi) (in Arabic)